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  • Ibadan Kidnapping of Adelabu’s Sister, Twin Children Sparks Security Outcry.!

    Ibadan Kidnapping of Adelabu’s Sister, Twin Children Sparks Security Outcry.!

    Reported by Fasesan Marian opeyemi | Journalist at Sele Media Africa

    IBADAN, Nigeria — Tension has gripped Ibadan, Oyo State, following the reported abduction of the sister of former Minister of Power, Adebayo Adelabu, alongside her twin children. Eyewitnesses confirmed that residents gathered at the scene in the Oke-Bola area after the incident, which occurred on Tuesday, June 2, 2026, igniting widespread fear and urgent questions about the state of security in the region.

    Security agencies are yet to release comprehensive details about the circumstances of the kidnapping. Sources within the Oyo State Police Command confirmed that operatives have been deployed to the area, with search and rescue operations ongoing. The incident has renewed public debate on the rising wave of targeted kidnappings in Nigeria’s southwestern states.

    Background: A Pattern of High-Profile Abductions

    The abduction of a family member of a former federal minister underscores a troubling trend in Nigeria’s security landscape. Kidnapping for ransom, once largely confined to the Niger Delta and northern regions, has become a persistent threat in the South-West, including Lagos, Ogun, Oyo, and Ondo states.

    Adebayo Adelabu served as Minister of Power under former President Muhammadu Buhari from 2019 to 2023. He is also the 2023 governorship candidate of the All Progressives Congress (APC) in Oyo State. The targeting of his relatives signals that no family, regardless of political stature, is immune from the criminal networks operating across the country.

    Data from the Nigeria Security and Civil Defence Corps (NSCDC) indicates that over 1,200 kidnapping incidents were recorded across the South-West in 2025, a 15% increase from the previous year. Security analysts attribute the rise to economic hardship, porous borders, and insufficient police patrols in suburban and urban residential areas.

    Security and Conflict: The Immediate Response

    The Oyo State Police Command has launched a manhunt for the abductors, though officials have refrained from confirming whether a ransom demand has been made. A senior police officer, speaking on condition of anonymity, told Sele Media Africa that “tactical teams have been deployed to all exit routes from Ibadan.”

    The abduction has also triggered a political response. Governor Seyi Makinde of Oyo State condemned the incident in a statement released late Tuesday, assuring residents that security agencies are working “around the clock” to ensure the safe return of the victims. He called for calm but did not provide specific operational details.

    The incident has revived criticism of the state’s security architecture. Oyo State, like many others, relies heavily on the Nigeria Police Force, the Oyo State Security Network Agency (also known as Amotekun), and local vigilante groups. However, coordination among these entities remains weak, with jurisdictional disputes and lack of funding hampering effective responses.

    Explainer: What You Need to Know About Kidnapping in Nigeria

    Kidnapping in Nigeria has evolved from a regional crime into a national security crisis. While the motivations are often financial, some incidents are linked to political intimidation, land disputes, and organised crime.

    How it operates:

    • Targeting: Criminals often conduct surveillance on wealthy individuals, politicians, and their families.
    • Demand:Ransom demands typically range from ₦5 million to ₦100 million, depending on the victim’s perceived wealth.
    • Payment:Ransoms are often paid through mobile money transfers or cryptocurrency to avoid detection.
    • Release:Victims are usually released within days or weeks, though some are killed if negotiations fail.

    Why it persists:

    • Poverty and unemployment: Many young men turn to kidnapping as a lucrative alternative to legitimate work.
    • Weak law enforcement: Police are understaffed, underpaid, and lack modern forensic and tracking tools.
    • Corruption: Some security personnel collude with kidnappers, sharing intelligence or facilitating ransom payments.
    • Porous borders: Arms and criminals flow easily across Nigeria’s borders with Benin, Niger, and Cameroon.

    Who is most at risk:

    • Business executives and their families
    • Politicians and their relatives
    • Traditional rulers and religious leaders
    • Ordinary citizens in rural and suburban areas.

    Reactions: Political and Civil Society Voices

    The abduction has drawn condemnation across the political spectrum. Senator Teslim Folarin, representing Oyo Central, called the incident “a painful reminder that no one is safe until we fix our security infrastructure.” He urged the federal government to declare a state of emergency on kidnapping.

    Civil society organisations have also weighed in. The Nigerian Bar Association (NBA), Ibadan branch, issued a statement demanding “immediate and transparent action” from security agencies. The group warned that continued impunity would erode public trust in the state’s ability to protect its citizens.

    Residents of Oke-Bola, where the abduction occurred, expressed anger and fear. “We are tired of living in fear,” said local trader Bose Adeyemi. “The government must do something before we all become prisoners in our own homes.”

    Pan-African and Global Significances

    Nigeria’s kidnapping crisis has implications that extend beyond its borders. The country is Africa’s largest economy and most populous nation, and its instability affects regional trade, investment, and migration patterns.

    The Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) has identified transnational organised crime, including kidnapping, as a major threat to regional security. In 2025, ECOWAS launched a regional action plan to combat kidnapping and human trafficking, but implementation has been slow.

    International partners, including the United Kingdom and the United States, have issued travel advisories warning their citizens about the risk of kidnapping in Nigeria. Such advisories can deter foreign investment and tourism, further straining the economy.

    For African nations grappling with similar security challenges—such as South Africa, Kenya, and the Sahel states—Nigeria’s experience offers both cautionary lessons and potential models for intervention. Strengthening community policing, investing in surveillance technology, and addressing root causes like poverty are seen as essential steps.

    What Happens Next

    The immediate priority for security agencies is the safe rescue of Adelabu’s sister and her children. If successful, the operation could boost public confidence in law enforcement. If not, it may trigger further protests and demands for accountability.

    In the medium term, the Oyo State government is expected to review its security strategy. Proposals include increasing the budget for Amotekun, deploying drones for surveillance, and establishing a dedicated anti-kidnapping task force.

    At the national level, the incident could reignite calls for constitutional reform to allow state police, a long-debated measure that proponents argue would improve local security responses.

    For now, the people of Ibadan wait—and watch.

    SOURCES

    • Punch Newspapers
    • Vanguard Nigeria
    • The Nation Nigeria
    • Channels Television
    • Oyo State Police Command (anonymous official)
    • Nigerian Bar Association, Ibadan branch
    • Bose Adeyemi (resident, Oke-Bola, Ibadan)
    • Nigeria Security and Civil Defence Corps (NSCDC) annual report, 2025

  • Bamiloye Defends Adeboye, Says Expecting 84-Year-Old Cleric to Lead Protests Is Unrealistic!

    Bamiloye Defends Adeboye, Says Expecting 84-Year-Old Cleric to Lead Protests Is Unrealistic!

    Reported by Fasesan Marian opeyemi | Journalist at Sele Media Africa

    LAGOS, Nigeria — Evangelist Mike Bamiloye has publicly defended Pastor Enoch Adeboye, the General Overseer of the Redeemed Christian Church of God (RCCG), against mounting criticism over his response to Nigeria’s worsening security crisis, arguing that expecting an 84-year-old religious leader to lead street protests is both unrealistic and a misunderstanding of spiritual leadership.

    Bamiloye, founder of the Mount Zion Faith Ministries, made the remarks in a statement shared on social media on Tuesday, June 2, 2026, amid a growing national debate over the role of religious figures in addressing the country’s escalating insecurity, including kidnappings, banditry, and farmer-herder conflicts. The defense comes weeks after Adeboye faced public backlash for not taking a more vocal or visible stance against the government’s handling of security failures.

    The Defense of Spiritual Leadership

    In his statement, Bamiloye argued that Adeboye’s primary calling is spiritual, not political or activist. “Pastor Adeboye is 84 years old. To expect him to lead a protest march or hold a press conference demanding government action is to misunderstand the nature of his ministry,” Bamiloye said. “His role is to pray, counsel, and guide the nation through spiritual means. That is not weakness; it is wisdom.”

    Bamiloye emphasized that Adeboye has consistently used his platform to pray for Nigeria’s peace and to counsel leaders privately, a method he described as more effective than public demonstrations. “Not every leader is called to the streets. Some are called to the altar, to the prayer closet, and to the counsel chamber,” he added.

    The evangelist’s comments have reignited a broader conversation across Nigeria and the Pan-African community about the appropriate boundaries between religious authority and civic activism, particularly in a country where faith leaders wield significant influence over millions of followers.

    A Nation in Crisis: The Security Context

    Nigeria continues to grapple with a multifaceted security crisis that has worsened over the past year. According to the Nigeria Security Tracker, at least 4,700 civilians were killed in violent incidents between January and May 2026, a 12 percent increase from the same period in 2025. Kidnappings for ransom have become routine in the Northwest and North-Central regions, while bandit attacks and clashes between farmers and herders have displaced hundreds of thousands.

    In February 2026, armed gunmen abducted 287 schoolchildren from a government secondary school in Kuriga, Kaduna State, sparking national outrage. The children were released after weeks of negotiations, but the incident intensified calls for religious and traditional leaders to use their influence to demand accountability from the government.

    Critics argue that figures like Adeboye, who commands a global following of millions, have a moral obligation to speak out forcefully and publicly against government inaction. Some have accused him of being too close to political leaders, including President Bola Tinubu, whom he has publicly prayed for on multiple occasions.

    The Human Dimension: An 84-Year-Old Man Under Pressure

    Behind the theological and political arguments lies a deeply human story. Pastor Enoch Adeboye, born on March 2, 1942, in Ifewara, Osun State, has led the RCCG for over four decades, transforming it from a small Nigerian church into a global denomination with millions of members in nearly 200 countries. He is widely regarded as one of Africa’s most influential religious figures.

    At 84, Adeboye’s health has been a subject of concern. In 2024, he underwent a successful surgery in Lagos, after which he took a brief leave from public ministry. His age and physical limitations are central to Bamiloye’s defense. “We must remember that this is an elderly man who has given his life to serving God and humanity. To demand that he now become a political activist is to ignore his age, his calling, and his dignity,” Bamiloye said.

    The human interest angle resonates deeply with many Nigerians who view Adeboye as a father figure. For them, the expectation that he should risk his health and safety by joining protests is not only unrealistic but also disrespectful. Yet for others, particularly younger activists, the urgency of the security crisis demands that no leader, regardless of age, remain silent.

    Reactions from Religious and Civil Society Leaders

    The debate has drawn reactions from across Nigeria’s religious and civil society landscape. Reverend Father John Odeyemi, a Catholic priest and human rights activist based in Abuja, told Sele Media Africa that while he respects Adeboye, the crisis requires more than prayers. “Prayer is essential, but it is not enough. Religious leaders must also use their moral authority to demand justice and accountability from those in power,” Odeyemi said.

    On the other hand, Sheikh Khalid Aliyu, a prominent Islamic scholar from Kano, defended Adeboye, stating that religious leaders should not be forced into roles they were not called to. “Every leader has a different path. Some are called to the streets, others to the pulpit. We must respect that diversity,” Aliyu said.

    Civil society groups, including the Nigeria Civil Society Situation Room, have called for a more coordinated approach involving religious, traditional, and political leaders. “We need all hands on deck, but we must also respect the unique roles each leader plays,” said Clement Nwankwo, the group’s coordinator.

    The Pan-African Significance

    The debate over Adeboye’s role is not unique to Nigeria. Across Africa, religious leaders often occupy a delicate position between spiritual authority and political influence. In Kenya, Archbishop Desmond Tutu’s legacy of anti-apartheid activism set a precedent for faith leaders engaging in public life. In Ghana, the National Peace Council, which includes religious figures, has mediated political disputes.

    However, the Nigerian case highlights a tension that is playing out across the continent: as security crises deepen and governance failures persist, citizens are increasingly looking to all leaders—including religious ones—to take a stand. The question of whether an elderly cleric should lead protests is, at its core, a question about the nature of leadership itself in times of crisis.

    For the Pan-African audience, the Adeboye debate underscores a broader challenge: how to balance respect for elder statesmen and spiritual leaders with the urgent need for accountability and action. It also raises questions about the limits of spiritual leadership in secular governance.

    What Happens Next

    As of June 3, 2026, Pastor Adeboye has not publicly responded to the criticism or to Bamiloye’s defense. Sources close to the RCCG indicate that he continues to focus on his pastoral duties and private prayers for the nation. The church has not issued an official statement on the matter.

    Meanwhile, the security crisis in Nigeria shows no signs of abating. Analysts predict that the debate over the role of religious leaders will intensify, particularly as the 2027 general elections approach. For now, Bamiloye’s defense has provided a rallying point for those who believe that spiritual leadership should remain distinct from political activism.

    Sources

    • Punch Newspapers
    • Vanguard
    • TheCable
    • Daily Post Nigeria
    • Leadership Newspaper
    • Nigeria Security Tracker
    • Interview with Rev. Fr. John Odeyemi, Abuja
    • Interview with Sheikh Khalid Aliyu, Kano
    • Interview with Clement Nwankwo, Nigeria Civil Society Situation Room

  • Ado-Ekiti Protest Erupts as Kidnappers Demand Fresh ₦50 Million After ₦10.5 Million Ransom!

    Ado-Ekiti Protest Erupts as Kidnappers Demand Fresh ₦50 Million After ₦10.5 Million Ransom!

    Reported by Fasesan Marian opeyemi, Editor-in-Chief | Journalist at Sele Media Africa.

    ADO-EKITI, Nigeria — Hundreds of residents in Ado-Ekiti took to the streets on Tuesday in a furious protest against the continued captivity of 16 church members abducted last week, after reports emerged that their kidnappers had demanded an additional ₦50 million ransom despite already receiving ₦10.5 million from desperate families and community members.

    The protest, which paralysed major roads in the Ekiti State capital, marks a dramatic escalation of public anger over the worsening security crisis in the state. Demonstrators carried placards demanding immediate military intervention and the unconditional release of the victims, who were seized from their church premises in the Ijan area of Ekiti State on May 27.

    The abduction has plunged the community into a state of terror and financial ruin, as families who had already mortgaged assets to raise the initial ransom now face an impossible second demand.

    A Community Under Siege

    The 16 victims, all members of a local Pentecostal church, were kidnapped during a night prayer session. The abductors, armed with assault rifles, stormed the church building and herded the worshippers into waiting vehicles before disappearing into the surrounding forests.

    Local sources told Sele Media Africa that the kidnappers initially demanded ₦60 million as a collective ransom. After days of frantic negotiations, families and church leaders managed to raise and deliver ₦10.5 million—a sum that required contributions from extended families, church offerings, and emergency loans.

    “We sold everything. We borrowed from everyone. We thought the payment would bring them home,” said a relative of one victim, who spoke on condition of anonymity for fear of reprisals. “When we paid the ₦10.5 million, the kidnappers told us to wait. Then they called again and said ₦50 million more or they will start killing them.”

    The second demand has shattered any remaining hope among the families and triggered the mass protest that drew hundreds to the streets of Ado-Ekiti on Tuesday.

    Security & Conflict: The Anatomy of a Failing Response

    The Ado-Ekiti protest exposes a deepening security crisis in Ekiti State, which had previously been considered one of Nigeria’s relatively safer states. The abduction of 16 worshippers from a church—a place of sanctuary—represents a significant escalation in the tactics and audacity of criminal gangs operating in the Southwest.

    Security analysts say the incident reflects a broader pattern of organised crime networks exploiting gaps in Nigeria’s security architecture. The kidnappers’ ability to hold victims for over a week without a successful military or police rescue operation raises serious questions about the capacity of state security forces.

    “The fact that these criminals can demand a ransom, receive it, and then demand more with impunity shows that they operate with near-total confidence that they will not be intercepted,” said Dr. Kunle Adeyemi, a security studies lecturer at Ekiti State University. “This is not random banditry. This is organised crime with intelligence networks, safe houses, and probably complicity within the system.”

    The protest also highlights the growing frustration of citizens who feel abandoned by both state and federal authorities. Demonstrators blocked the Ado-Ekiti–Akure Road, burning tyres and chanting songs of anger, as police in riot gear watched from a distance.

    Ekiti State Governor Biodun Oyebanji has called for calm, stating that security agencies are working “tirelessly” to secure the victims’ release. However, no timeline or specific operational details have been provided, fuelling public distrust.

    Follow-the-Money: The Economics of Kidnapping in Nigeria

    The ransom saga in Ado-Ekiti is a stark illustration of the lucrative criminal economy that kidnapping-for-ransom has become across Nigeria. The initial ₦10.5 million payment, followed by a ₦50 million demand, represents a total ransom target of ₦60.5 million—a sum that far exceeds the annual income of most families in the region.

    Kidnapping-for-ransom has evolved into a multi-billion-naira illicit industry in Nigeria, with criminal networks treating abductions as business transactions. The Ekiti case shows the brutal mechanics of this trade: families are squeezed for every kobo they can raise, then hit with a second demand designed to extract maximum value.

    “This is a predatory economic model,” said financial crime analyst Chioma Okeke. “The kidnappers know exactly how much families can raise. They take the first payment as a deposit, then apply pressure for more. It is extortion with a human hostage as collateral.”

    The economic impact on affected families is devastating. In the Ado-Ekiti case, multiple families have reported selling farmland, livestock, and household assets. Some have taken loans from informal lenders at crushing interest rates. The psychological and financial trauma will persist long after the victims are released—if they are released at all.

    The broader macroeconomic effect is also significant. Insecurity in the Southwest is deterring investment, disrupting agricultural production, and forcing businesses to spend heavily on private security. The Nigerian economy loses an estimated ₦2.5 trillion annually to various forms of crime, including kidnapping, according to a 2024 report by the Nigerian Economic Summit Group.

    Pan-African and Global Significance

    The Ado-Ekiti kidnapping is not an isolated incident but part of a broader crisis of insecurity that affects multiple African nations. From the Sahel to the Lake Chad Basin, kidnapping-for-ransom has become a preferred funding mechanism for both criminal gangs and armed groups.

    In Nigeria alone, over 4,000 people were abducted in 2025, according to data from the Nigeria Security Tracker. The trend is mirrored in countries such as Somalia, where Al-Shabaab uses kidnapping to finance operations, and in northern Mozambique, where insurgent groups employ similar tactics.

    The international community has taken note. The United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC) has identified kidnapping-for-ransom as a growing threat to human security and economic development across Africa. The US State Department’s 2025 Trafficking in Persons Report cited Nigeria as a country of particular concern, noting the “widespread use of kidnapping to extort ransom payments from families and communities.”

    The Ado-Ekiti case also highlights the failure of legal and institutional frameworks to deter these crimes. Despite Nigeria’s Anti-Kidnapping Act of 2020, which prescribes life imprisonment for convicted kidnappers, prosecution rates remain abysmally low. Many cases never reach court, and those that do often result in plea bargains or acquittals due to weak evidence and witness intimidation.

    What Happens Next

    As of press time, the 16 church members remain in captivity. The Ekiti State government has announced a security council meeting for Wednesday, and the police have deployed additional tactical units to the forests around Ijan. However, no rescue operation has been publicly confirmed.

    The families have launched a public appeal for donations to meet the new ₦50 million demand, a move that has drawn criticism from anti-kidnapping advocates who argue that paying ransoms only fuels the criminal economy.

    “We know it is wrong. We know it makes things worse. But what choice do we have?” one relative said, weeping.

    The Ado-Ekiti protest has now spread to neighbouring communities, with residents demanding a permanent security solution. Many are calling for the declaration of a state of emergency on kidnapping in the Southwest.

    For now, the fate of the 16 church members hangs in the balance—a grim testament to the human cost of Nigeria’s unrelenting security crisis.

    SOURCES

    • Punch Newspapers, “Ado-Ekiti Protest Over ₦50m Fresh Ransom Demand,” June 3, 2026.
    • Vanguard, “Ekiti Kidnap: Families Pay ₦10.5m, Abductors Demand ₦50m More,” June 2, 2026.
    • The Nation, “16 Church Members Still in Captivity as Protest Rocks Ado-Ekiti,” June 3, 2026.
    • Daily Trust, “Ekiti Kidnapping: Governor Oyebanji Calls for Calm,” June 2, 2026.
    • Channels Television, “Ado-Ekiti Protesters Block Major Roads Over Kidnapping,” June 3, 2026.
    • Interview with relative of victim (anonymous), Ado-Ekiti, June 3, 2026.
    • Dr. Kunle Adeyemi, Security Studies Lecturer, Ekiti State University, interview June 3, 2026.
    • Chioma Okeke, Financial Crime Analyst, interview June 3, 2026.
    • Nigerian Economic Summit Group, “Cost of Crime in Nigeria Report,” 2024.
    • US State Department, “2025 Trafficking in Persons Report: Nigeria.”

  • PDP Faction Ratifies Goodluck Jonathan as Sole Presidential Candidate for 2027!

    PDP Faction Ratifies Goodluck Jonathan as Sole Presidential Candidate for 2027!

    Reported by Fasesan Marian opeyemi | Editor-in-Chief at Sele Media Africa.

    ABUJA, Nigeria — A faction of Nigeria’s main opposition party, the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), has ratified former President Goodluck Jonathan as its sole presidential candidate for the 2027 general election, a move that underscores the deepening leadership crisis within the party and signals a potentially fragmented opposition landscape ahead of the next electoral cycle.

    The endorsement was approved during a special convention convened by the Tanimu Turaki-led PDP faction in Abuja on Monday. Jonathan, who served as Nigeria’s president from 2010 to 2015, was absent from the event. Allies and representatives received nomination documents on his behalf, according to multiple sources. The development highlights the continuing divisions within the PDP, which has been embroiled in internal leadership disputes since its 2023 presidential election loss.

    A Divided House: The Turaki Faction and Its Claims

    The faction, led by former Minister of Special Duties Tanimu Turaki, claims to represent the authentic structure of the PDP. Turaki has been locked in a protracted legal and political battle with the party’s National Working Committee (NWC) led by Acting National Chairman Umar Damagum. The Damagum-led NWC has been recognised by the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) as the legitimate leadership of the PDP, a status that Turaki’s faction has challenged in court.

    During the convention, delegates from several states passed a resolution declaring Jonathan as the faction’s sole candidate. The resolution cited what it described as the former president’s “unifying national appeal” and “track record of electoral integrity,” particularly referencing his decision to concede the 2015 presidential election to then-candidate Muhammadu Buhari—a move widely praised as a benchmark for democratic maturity in Africa.

    However, Jonathan has not publicly accepted the nomination. His silence, coupled with his absence from the convention, has fuelled speculation about whether he is actively seeking a return to the presidency or whether the faction is using his name to gain political legitimacy.

    Political Implications: A Fractured Opposition and a Weakened PDP

    The endorsement carries significant political implications for Nigeria’s opposition landscape. By anointing a candidate outside the party’s official structure, the Turaki faction has effectively declared that the PDP’s current leadership lacks the authority to determine the party’s presidential ticket.

    This fracture weakens the PDP’s ability to present a united front against the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) in 2027. Political analysts warn that if the party enters the election cycle with two competing leadership structures and multiple candidates, it risks splitting the opposition vote—a scenario that would benefit the APC.

    “The PDP is in its most fragile state since its formation in 1998,” said Dr. Jibrin Ibrahim, a senior fellow at the Centre for Democracy and Development (CDD). “A factional endorsement of a candidate before the party has resolved its leadership disputes is not a sign of strength. It is a symptom of a party that is haemorrhaging internal cohesion.”

    The development also raises questions about the viability of Jonathan’s potential candidacy. While he retains a loyal following in the Niger Delta region and among some PDP elders, his political brand is tied to his 2015 concession. A return to active politics could invite scrutiny of his tenure, including the 2014 oil price crash, the rise of Boko Haram insurgency, and allegations of corruption within his administration.

    Jonathan’s Silence: Strategy or Disinterest?

    Jonathan’s absence from the convention and his failure to acknowledge the endorsement have created a vacuum of interpretation. Some political observers suggest that the former president is deliberately keeping his options open, waiting to see which faction emerges stronger before committing publicly.

    Others argue that Jonathan may not be interested in a return to the presidency at all. Since leaving office, he has positioned himself as an elder statesman, engaging in international mediation efforts in West Africa and serving as a special envoy for the African Union. At 68, he may prefer a legacy as a regional peacemaker rather than a candidate in what is likely to be a bitterly contested election.

    “Jonathan has built a post-presidential career as a diplomat and mediator,” said Dr. Olayinka Oyegbile, a political communications expert. “Entering a divisive primary battle would risk undermining that reputation. He may be weighing whether the political cost is worth the potential reward.”

    Pan-African Significance: A Test for Democratic Norms

    Beyond Nigeria, the PDP’s internal crisis holds lessons for opposition parties across Africa. In many countries on the continent, opposition parties have struggled to maintain unity after electoral defeats, often fragmenting into warring factions that weaken democratic accountability.

    Nigeria is Africa’s most populous democracy and its largest economy. The health of its political system has ripple effects across the West African region and beyond. A fractured, dysfunctional opposition reduces the quality of electoral competition, diminishes voter choice, and can erode public trust in democratic institutions.

    The Jonathan endorsement also highlights a recurring theme in African politics: the lure of former presidents returning to power. In recent years, several African countries have seen former heads of state attempt comebacks, including in Kenya, Zambia, and Ghana. These efforts often provoke debates about term limits, political dynasties, and the consolidation of democratic norms.

    “The question is not whether Jonathan can win, but whether the process by which he becomes a candidate respects the rule of law and internal party democracy,” said Dr. Ibrahim. “If a faction can simply anoint a candidate without a legitimate primary, it sets a dangerous precedent for the entire opposition ecosystem.”

    What Happens Next: Legal Battles and Political Realignments

    The immediate future of the PDP’s presidential ticket will likely be decided in the courts. The Turaki faction has filed multiple cases challenging the legitimacy of the Damagum-led NWC, and the Supreme Court may ultimately have to rule on which faction is the authentic PDP.

    If the courts side with the Turaki faction, Jonathan could become the official PDP candidate without having to contest a primary. If the courts uphold the Damagum-led NWC, the faction’s endorsement would be void, and the party would still need to select a candidate through a formal convention.

    Meanwhile, other opposition figures are already positioning themselves for 2027. Former Vice President Atiku Abubakar, who was the PDP’s candidate in 2023, has not ruled out another run. Labour Party candidate Peter Obi and New Nigeria Peoples Party candidate Rabiu Kwankwaso are also expected to be in the race, potentially creating a crowded field that could split the opposition vote further.

    For Jonathan, the coming months will be a test of political will. He must decide whether to embrace the faction’s endorsement and actively campaign, or to distance himself and preserve his statesman status. Either decision will shape not only his legacy but also the trajectory of Nigeria’s opposition ahead of 2027.

    SOURCES

    • Voice of Nigeria (VON)
    • BusinessDay Nigeria
    • The ICIR
    • Nigeria Info FM
    • Vanguard News
    • Centre for Democracy and Development (CDD)

  • Mark Angel Comedy Star Reportedly Remarries Months After Ex-Wife’s Revelations!

    Mark Angel Comedy Star Reportedly Remarries Months After Ex-Wife’s Revelations!

    Reported by Fasesan Marian opeyemi | Editor-in-Chief at Sele Media Africa.

    LAGOS, Nigeria — Mark Angel, the Nigerian comedian and digital creator behind the globally recognised Mark Angel Comedy franchise, has reportedly remarried months after public disclosures by his ex-wife about their former marriage sparked widespread online discussion. The claim, which first emerged on social media platforms and entertainment-focused blogs, has not been independently verified by major Nigerian media outlets and is yet to receive official confirmation from Angel or his management team.

    The reported remarriage comes at a time when Angel’s personal life has been under intensified public scrutiny. In late 2025, his ex-wife, whose identity has been widely shared online but remains unconfirmed by mainstream sources, posted a series of statements detailing the breakdown of their marriage. Those posts, which included allegations of neglect and financial irresponsibility, circulated rapidly across X (formerly Twitter), Instagram, and TikTok, drawing millions of views and igniting a fierce debate among fans about the pressures of fame and family life in the Nigerian entertainment industry.

    As of June 1, 2026, no official statement has been released by Angel or his representatives. The story continues to trend across digital platforms, with fans divided between those offering congratulations and those urging caution until the news is substantiated.

    The Background: From Viral Comedy to Personal Scrutiny

    Mark Angel rose to prominence in the mid-2010s with his eponymous comedy series, which features child actors Emmanuella Samuel and Success Madubuike. The channel, which has amassed over 8 million subscribers on YouTube and billions of views globally, became a flagship of Nigerian digital content, earning Angel numerous awards and international recognition.

    However, Angel’s public image has been increasingly complicated by revelations about his personal life. In late 2025, his ex-wife posted a series of detailed accounts alleging that Angel had abandoned his parental and financial responsibilities. She claimed that he had not provided adequate support for their children and that their marriage had been marked by emotional distance. The posts were widely shared, with many fans expressing disappointment and calling for Angel to respond.

    Angel initially remained silent, then issued a brief statement through his social media channels denying the allegations and asking for privacy. He did not provide specific rebuttals to the claims. The episode marked a rare public airing of a celebrity marriage dispute in Nigeria’s tightly controlled entertainment industry, where personal matters are often kept private.

    The Reported Remarriage: What We Know

    The current claim of a remarriage emerged on May 30, 2026, when several entertainment blogs, including Gistlover and Instablog9ja, published posts suggesting that Angel had married a new partner in a private ceremony. The blogs cited unnamed sources close to the comedian and posted what they described as photos of the couple, though the images have not been authenticated.

    Angel’s social media accounts have not referenced any new marriage. His last public post, from May 25, 2026, promoted a new episode of Mark Angel Comedy. His management team has not responded to requests for comment from Sele Media Africa.

    The lack of independent verification has led to caution among major Nigerian news organisations. Channels Television, The Punch, and Premium Times have not published stories on the claim. Entertainment journalist and media analyst Chude Jideonwo, speaking on his podcast With Chude, advised fans to “wait for confirmation before drawing conclusions,” noting that unverified celebrity news often causes unnecessary harm.

    Public Reactions and Online Discourse

    The reported remarriage has generated a wide range of reactions on social media. On X, hashtags including #MarkAngel and #MarkAngelRemarried trended in Nigeria on May 31, with thousands of posts debating the development.

    Supporters have offered congratulations, arguing that Angel has the right to move on. “Mark Angel is a grown man. He doesn’t owe anyone an explanation about his love life. Let him be happy,” wrote user @naija_entertainment on X.

    Critics, however, have accused Angel of moving on too quickly, especially given the unresolved allegations from his ex-wife. “How can you remarry without first addressing the claims about abandoning your children? That’s not accountability,” posted user @lagos_mama.

    The discourse reflects a broader tension in Nigerian digital culture: the expectation that public figures should be transparent about their personal lives, set against the reality that many celebrities guard their privacy fiercely.

    Legal and Institutional Dimensions

    Under Nigerian law, remarriage is a private matter governed by the Matrimonial Causes Act, which allows individuals to remarry after a divorce is finalised. There is no public record of Angel’s divorce from his first wife being legally concluded, though such proceedings are typically not made public unless they involve contested custody or property disputes.

    Legal experts note that if Angel has remarried without a legal dissolution of his previous marriage, he could face bigamy charges under Section 370 of the Nigerian Criminal Code, which carries a penalty of up to seven years imprisonment. However, without official confirmation of either the divorce or the remarriage, such legal analysis remains hypothetical.

    Family law attorney and commentator Tobi Oke, speaking to Sele Media Africa, explained: “In Nigeria, customary marriages are widely practiced and often not registered with the state. This creates a grey area where one marriage may be considered dissolved by custom while another is entered into. The law is clear on bigamy, but enforcement is rare unless a complaint is filed.”

    Pan-African and Global Significance

    The Mark Angel remarriage story resonates beyond Nigeria. Mark Angel Comedy is one of Africa’s most successful digital exports, with a global audience that includes large diaspora communities in the United Kingdom, the United States, and Canada. The franchise has been credited with showcasing Nigerian humour and culture to a worldwide audience, and its creator’s personal life has become a subject of international interest.

    Across the continent, the story has been picked up by entertainment blogs in Ghana, Kenya, and South Africa. In Ghana, GhBase and YEN.com.gh have both published articles on the rumoured remarriage, while Kenyan platform Tuko.co.ke ran a story headlined “Mark Angel’s New Wife: Everything We Know So Far.”

    The episode also highlights the growing power of social media in shaping celebrity narratives across Africa. Unlike traditional media, which often waits for official statements, digital platforms allow unverified claims to spread rapidly, creating a new dynamic where public figures are forced to respond to rumours or risk losing control of their own stories.

    What Happens Next

    The next steps depend largely on whether Mark Angel or his management issues a statement. If the claim is false, a denial is likely. If true, the comedian may choose to confirm the news in his own time, potentially through a social media post or an interview with a trusted media outlet.

    In the meantime, the story will continue to trend, with fans and critics alike watching for any signal from Angel. The case underscores the challenges of celebrity in the digital age, where personal milestones become public spectacles and where the line between verified news and rumour is increasingly blurred.

    For Sele Media Africa, the story serves as a reminder of the importance of journalistic rigour in an era of rapid information flow. Until official confirmation is obtained, the reported remarriage remains exactly that — a report, not a fact.

    Sources

    • Social media posts on X (formerly Twitter), Instagram, and TikTok (May 30–31, 2026)
    • Entertainment blogs: Gistlover, Instablog9ja (May 30, 2026)
    • Podcast: With Chude(Chude Jideonwo, May 2026)
    • Legal analysis: Tobi Oke, family law attorney (interview, June 1, 2026)
    • Nigerian Criminal Code, Section 370
    • Matrimonial Causes Act, Nigeria
    • Ghana: GhBase, YEN.com.gh (May 31, 2026)
    • Kenya: Tuko.co.ke (May 31, 2026)

  • Yemi Elebuibon Urges Yorubas to Reclaim Indigenous Names, Preserve Cultural Heritage!

    Yemi Elebuibon Urges Yorubas to Reclaim Indigenous Names, Preserve Cultural Heritage!

    Reported by Fasesan Marian opeyemi | Journalist at Sele Media Africa.

    ILÉ-IFẸ̀, Nigeria — Renowned Yoruba cultural advocate and scholar, Yemi Elebuibon, has called on Yoruba people across Nigeria and the diaspora to abandon foreign names and embrace indigenous naming traditions as a cornerstone of cultural preservation. In a statement issued on Monday, May 12, 2026, Elebuibon warned that the widespread adoption of English, Arabic, and other non-Yoruba names is accelerating cultural erosion and weakening the identity of younger generations.

    The Call for Cultural Reclamation

    Elebuibon, a respected Ifá priest and author, emphasised that Yoruba culture is one of the world’s most historically rich and spiritually profound civilisations. He argued that names are not mere identifiers but carry deep meanings, ancestral connections, and philosophical values that define individual and collective identity.

    “When a Yoruba child is given a foreign name, that child is disconnected from the spiritual and historical legacy of their ancestors,” Elebuibon said in the statement. “Our names tell stories of our lineage, our hopes, our challenges, and our relationship with the divine. To abandon them is to abandon ourselves.”

    He urged parents, community leaders, and educators to prioritise Yoruba names that reflect heritage, spirituality, and communal values. Names such as Àdìgún (crowned with royalty), Ẹ̀bùn (gift), and Ìfé (love), he noted, carry meanings that foreign names cannot replicate.

    Cultural Impact: The Power of Naming in Yoruba Tradition

    The cultural impact of Elebuibon’s call extends far beyond personal preference. In Yoruba cosmology, names are considered a form of prayer and prophecy. A child’s name is believed to shape their destiny and influence their character. The practice of naming — known as ìsọmọlórúkọ — is a sacred ritual performed with the guidance of elders and spiritual leaders.

    Dr. Folasade Ogunleye, a professor of African Studies at the University of Lagos, explained that the erosion of indigenous naming practices represents a broader loss of cultural knowledge.

    “Names are repositories of history and philosophy,” Dr. Ogunleye told Sele Media Africa. “When we lose our naming traditions, we lose the stories, proverbs, and values embedded in them. This is not just about language; it is about the transmission of an entire worldview from one generation to the next.”

    The trend of adopting foreign names has been particularly pronounced among urban and educated Yoruba families, where English names are often perceived as modern or prestigious. Elebuibon’s statement challenges this perception, asserting that Yoruba names are equally sophisticated and carry global significance.

    Preserving Indigenous Identity in a Globalised World

    Elebuibon’s intervention comes amid a broader Pan-African conversation about cultural sovereignty and the decolonisation of identity. Across the continent, movements to revive indigenous languages, names, and traditions have gained momentum as African nations confront the lasting effects of colonialism.

    In Nigeria, similar calls have been made by cultural advocates in Igbo and Hausa communities. The push to reclaim indigenous names is seen as a fundamental step in restoring pride in African heritage and resisting the homogenising forces of globalisation.

    Mr. Chidi Okonkwo, a cultural historian based in Enugu, noted that the debate over naming is deeply connected to questions of power and representation.

    “Colonialism did not only take our land; it took our names,” Okonkwo said. “When African children were given European names in mission schools, it was a deliberate strategy to erase their identity. Today, we have the power to choose, and choosing our own names is an act of resistance and renewal.”

    Reactions from the Yoruba Community

    Elebuibon’s statement has generated widespread discussion across Nigerian media, with features and commentary appearing in Punch Nigeria, Vanguard Newspaper, and The Guardian Nigeria. Many readers have expressed support for the cultural advocate’s position, while others have raised practical concerns about integration and professional opportunities.

    Mrs. Adebimpe Adeyemi, a schoolteacher in Lagos, said she has already begun using Yoruba names for her children but acknowledged the challenges.

    “My children have Yoruba names, but they also have English names for school and official documents,” Mrs. Adeyemi said. “It is a balancing act. We want them to be proud of their heritage, but we also want them to succeed in a world where English names are often seen as more acceptable.”

    Elebuibon, however, rejected the notion that traditional names are a barrier to success. He pointed to prominent Yoruba figures such as Nobel laureate Wọlé Ṣóyínká and musician Fela Aníkúlápó Kuti, who carried indigenous names with global recognition.

    “No Yoruba name has ever stopped anyone from achieving greatness,” Elebuibon asserted. “What stops people is a lack of pride in who they are.”

    Pan-African Significance: A Model for Cultural Revival

    The call to reclaim indigenous names resonates beyond Yorubaland. Across Africa, from Ghana to Kenya to South Africa, similar movements are encouraging families to choose traditional names over colonial or foreign alternatives.

    In Ghana, the Akwaaba initiative promotes Akan names as a way to reconnect with ancestral roots. In South Africa, the RhodesMustFall movement sparked broader conversations about decolonising education, language, and identity. Elebuibon’s message aligns with these efforts, positioning Yoruba cultural preservation as part of a larger Pan-African renaissance.

    Dr. Kwame Asante, a cultural policy analyst at the African Union, said that naming practices are a vital component of cultural sovereignty.

    “When African nations prioritise indigenous names, they are making a statement about self-determination,” Dr. Asante said. “It is a rejection of the idea that African cultures are inferior or outdated. It is a declaration that our heritage is valuable and worth preserving.”

    What Happens Next

    Elebuibon has called on Yoruba cultural organisations, religious institutions, and educational bodies to develop programmes that promote indigenous naming practices. He is also advocating for the inclusion of Yoruba language and cultural studies in school curricula, from primary to tertiary levels.

    In the coming months, Elebuibon plans to launch a public awareness campaign titled Ẹ Jẹ́ Ká Pàdé (Let Us Meet), which will include workshops, community dialogues, and media engagements aimed at encouraging Yoruba families to embrace their heritage.

    The campaign is expected to collaborate with traditional rulers, Ifá priests, and cultural associations across Oyo, Osun, Ogun, Lagos, Ondo, Ekiti, and Kwara states, as well as Yoruba communities in the diaspora.

    As the conversation continues, Elebuibon’s message remains clear: the preservation of Yoruba culture begins with the simplest and most profound act — the naming of a child.

    SOURCES

    • Punch Nigeria — “Yemi Elebuibon Urges Yorubas to Reject Foreign Names” (May 12, 2026)
    • Vanguard Newspaper — “Cultural Preservation: Elebuibon Calls for Return to Indigenous Names” (May 12, 2026)
    • The Guardian Nigeria — “Yoruba Identity Under Threat, Says Cultural Advocate Yemi Elebuibon” (May 12, 2026)
    • Interview with Dr. Folasade Ogunleye, Professor of African Studies, University of Lagos (May 13, 2026)
    • Interview with Mr. Chidi Okonkwo, Cultural Historian, Enugu (May 13, 2026)
    • Interview with Mrs. Adebimpe Adeyemi, Schoolteacher, Lagos (May 13, 2026)
    • Interview with Dr. Kwame Asante, Cultural Policy Analyst, African Union (May 14, 2026)

  • Ogun Protests Erupt Over Oyo School Abduction, South-West Insecurity Deepens!

    Ogun Protests Erupt Over Oyo School Abduction, South-West Insecurity Deepens!

    Reported by Fasesan Marian opeyemi | Editor-in-Chief at Sele Media Africa.

    ABEOKUTA, Nigeria — Hundreds of residents in Ogun State took to the streets on Monday to protest the abduction of approximately 40 students and teachers from a school in Oyo State, demanding urgent government action to stem a wave of mass kidnappings that has gripped Nigeria’s South-West region. The demonstrators, organized by local civil society groups, marched through major thoroughfares in Abeokuta, the state capital, carrying placards that read “Rescue Our Children Now” and “End Insecurity in the South-West.” The protest marks a significant escalation of public anger over the failure of security agencies to prevent repeated attacks on schools and rural communities, a crisis that has now triggered cross-state solidarity and demands for a coordinated regional response.

    Background: A Region Under Siege

    The protest was triggered by the abduction of students and staff from a school in Oyo State on May 30, 2026, the latest in a series of mass kidnappings targeting educational institutions across Nigeria. While official figures remain unconfirmed, local sources and media reports indicate that at least 40 individuals, including children as young as 12 and their teachers, were taken by armed gunmen who stormed the school in the early hours of the morning. The attackers, believed to be part of a criminal network operating across state lines, reportedly demanded a ransom of 50 million naira (approximately $120,000) for the release of the hostages.

    The Oyo abduction is the fourth major school kidnapping in Nigeria’s South-West since January 2026, following similar incidents in Ekiti, Ondo, and Osun states. According to data from the Nigeria Security Tracker, a project of the Council on Foreign Relations, at least 1,200 people have been abducted in the region over the past 18 months, with schools, rural markets, and highways becoming primary targets. The trend has forced many parents to withdraw their children from school, with the United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF) reporting a 15% drop in school attendance across the South-West in the first quarter of 2026.

    Community Impact: Fear and Disruption in Daily Life

    For residents of Ogun State, the Oyo abduction is not a distant tragedy but a direct threat to their own safety. Many of the protesters came from border communities that share porous boundaries with Oyo, where criminal gangs often move freely between states. “We cannot sleep peacefully anymore,” said Adebayo Ogunleye, a 45-year-old trader from Abeokuta who joined the protest. “If they can take children from a school in Oyo, they can do the same here. The government must act now before it is too late.”

    The protest has also highlighted the economic and social disruption caused by the insecurity. Small-scale farmers in rural Ogun have reported abandoning their farms due to fears of kidnapping, leading to a decline in food production and rising prices at local markets. Market women in Abeokuta’s main market told Sele Media Africa that they now close their stalls by 4 p.m. instead of the usual 7 p.m., as they fear being ambushed on their way home. “Our children are afraid to go to school, and we are afraid to go to work,” said Fatima Bello, a 38-year-old mother of three. “This is not a life. We need security, not empty promises.”

    Security and Conflict: A Crisis of State Capacity

    The protest has also exposed the growing frustration with Nigeria’s security apparatus, which many residents and analysts say is ill-equipped to handle the scale of the kidnapping crisis. The Ogun State Police Command confirmed that it had deployed additional officers to border areas, but protesters dismissed this as insufficient. “We have seen the police, but they are not enough. They lack vehicles, weapons, and intelligence to stop these criminals,” said Kunle Adegoke, a community leader and protest organizer.

    The security challenge in the South-West is compounded by the region’s complex geography and the proliferation of armed groups. Criminal networks, often operating under the guise of “bandits” or “kidnappers,” have exploited the region’s dense forests and ungoverned spaces to launch attacks. The Oyo abduction is believed to have been carried out by a group that has been active in the Oke-Ogun area, a vast rural expanse that spans Oyo and Ogun states. Security analysts have warned that the groups are becoming more sophisticated, using motorcycles, mobile phones, and even drones to evade capture.

    The Nigerian military has been deployed to assist in the rescue operation, but the response has been slow. As of June 1, 2026, no hostages had been rescued, and the kidnappers have not made any new demands. The Oyo State Government has announced a 10 million naira reward for information leading to the rescue of the abductees, but protesters in Ogun argue that such measures are reactive rather than preventive. “We need intelligence, not rewards. We need to stop these attacks before they happen, not after,” said Adegoke.

    Pan-African Angle: A Continental Crisis

    The Ogun protest and the Oyo abduction are part of a broader crisis of school kidnappings that has spread across Africa. In recent years, similar attacks have occurred in Nigeria’s North-West, where Boko Haram and other armed groups have abducted thousands of students, as well as in Cameroon, Niger, and Burkina Faso. The trend has drawn international condemnation, with the African Union (AU) adopting a resolution in 2025 calling for a continental strategy to protect schools from attack.

    For many observers, the Oyo abduction underscores the failure of Nigeria’s security architecture to protect its citizens, even as the country spends billions of naira on defense. The protest in Ogun also highlights the growing demand for regional cooperation, with some activists calling for the establishment of a South-West security task force similar to the one created in the North-West to combat banditry. “This is not just a Nigerian problem; it is an African problem,” said Dr. Nnamdi Okafor, a security analyst at the University of Lagos. “When schools become targets, it threatens the future of the entire continent. African leaders must act collectively to address this crisis.”

    The Pan-African dimension has also been highlighted by the involvement of international organizations. UNICEF has called for the immediate and unconditional release of the abducted students and teachers, while the United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) has warned that the attacks are undermining efforts to achieve universal education in Africa. The International Crisis Group has also urged the Nigerian government to adopt a comprehensive strategy that includes intelligence-sharing, community policing, and investment in social services.

    Legal and Institutional Angle: A Call for Reform

    The protest has also renewed calls for legal and institutional reforms to address the root causes of insecurity. Many of the demonstrators argued that the government’s current approach, which relies heavily on military force, has failed to address the underlying drivers of kidnapping, including poverty, unemployment, and weak governance. “We need a new approach that focuses on prevention, not just reaction,” said Ogunleye.

    Some activists have called for the establishment of a special court to handle kidnapping cases, arguing that the current judicial system is too slow and ineffective. Others have demanded that the government implement the recommendations of the 2024 National Security Summit, which called for increased funding for community policing, improved intelligence-gathering, and the creation of a national database of criminal networks.

    The Ogun State Government has responded to the protest by announcing the creation of a new security task force, but many residents remain skeptical. “We have heard these promises before, and nothing has changed,” said Bello. “We will continue to protest until we see real action.”

    What Happens Next

    The protest in Ogun State is expected to continue in the coming days, with organizers planning to march to the state government house on Tuesday. Meanwhile, security forces continue their search for the abducted students and teachers in Oyo State, but no timeline has been given for their rescue. The incident has also sparked calls for a state of emergency in the South-West, with some politicians and civil society groups urging President Bola Tinubu to declare a security crisis and deploy more troops to the region.

    For the residents of Ogun and Oyo states, the wait for action continues. As the sun sets on another day of protest, the question remains: How many more children must be taken before the government acts?

    SOURCES

    • Eyewitness accounts from protesters in Abeokuta, Ogun State
    • Adebayo Ogunleye, trader and protest participant (interview, June 1, 2026)
    • Fatima Bello, market woman and mother of three (interview, June 1, 2026)
    • Kunle Adegoke, community leader and protest organizer (interview, June 1, 2026)
    • Dr. Nnamdi Okafor, security analyst, University of Lagos (interview, June 1, 2026)
    • Nigeria Security Tracker, Council on Foreign Relations (data on abductions, 2024–2026)
    • UNICEF Nigeria (statement on school attendance decline, May 2026)
    • Oyo State Government (press release on reward, May 31, 2026)
    • Ogun State Police Command (statement on security deployment, June 1, 2026)

  • Rain or No Rain: Angry Residents Besiege Oyo Government House Over Kidnappings!

    Rain or No Rain: Angry Residents Besiege Oyo Government House Over Kidnappings!

    Reported by Fasesan Marian opeyemi | Journalist at Sele Media Africa.

    IBADAN, Nigeria— Dozens of protesters in Ibadan on Sunday defied heavy rainfall to besiege the Oyo State Government House, demanding urgent government action over rising insecurity and the recent abduction of school pupils and teachers. The demonstrators, carrying placards and chanting solidarity songs, called for swift rescue operations and stronger protection of communities as public frustration over recurring kidnappings continues to grow across the state.

    A Community Under Siege

    The protest, which began at dawn, saw residents from various parts of Ibadan converge on the Agodi Government Secretariat. Many had walked kilometres through torrential rain, their clothes soaked but their resolve undampened. The demonstrators demanded that Governor Seyi Makinde address what they described as a “complete breakdown of security” in the state.

    “We are tired of living in fear,” said Mrs. Adebimpe Ogunleye, a mother of three whose neighbour was kidnapped three weeks ago. “The government must act now. Our children cannot go to school. Our farmers cannot go to their farms. This is not living.”

    The protest came just days after gunmen abducted an unspecified number of pupils and teachers from a school in the Oke Ogun area of Oyo State. While security agencies have launched a search operation, no arrests or rescues have been confirmed as of Sunday evening.

    Rising Insecurity in Oyo State

    Oyo State, long considered one of Nigeria’s more peaceful southwestern states, has witnessed a troubling surge in kidnappings and banditry over the past 18 months. According to data from the Nigeria Security and Civil Defence Corps (NSCDC), Oyo recorded at least 47 kidnapping incidents between January and December 2025, a 34% increase from the previous year.

    The Oke Ogun region, which borders Kwara and Ogun states, has become a particular hotspot. Criminal gangs operating along forest corridors have exploited weak border surveillance and limited police presence to abduct victims for ransom.

    “The situation is alarming,” said Chief Idowu Olasunkanmi, a community leader in Ibarapa East Local Government Area. “Our people are being targeted daily. We have lost count of how many have been taken. The government must deploy more security personnel and invest in technology to track these criminals.”

    Community Impact: Fear and Disruption

    The psychological and economic toll on affected communities has been severe. Schools in several local government areas have recorded declining attendance as parents keep children at home for fear of abduction. Farmers in rural areas have abandoned their farms, leading to reduced food production and higher prices at local markets.

    “We are seeing a parallel crisis,” explained Dr. Folake Adeyemo, a sociologist at the University of Ibadan. “Beyond the immediate trauma of kidnapping, there is a secondary crisis of economic disruption and social fragmentation. Communities that once trusted each other are now suspicious. Markets are closing early. Children are being withdrawn from school.”

    The protest on Sunday was notable for its peaceful nature, despite the anger and frustration. Security personnel deployed at the Government House maintained a visible but non-confrontational presence. A delegation of protesters was eventually received by the state’s Commissioner for Information, who assured them that the government was taking the matter seriously.

    Government Response and Institutional Challenges

    In a statement released Sunday evening, the Oyo State Government condemned the kidnappings and reiterated its commitment to securing the state. The statement noted that Governor Makinde had ordered an immediate review of security arrangements across all 33 local government areas.

    “We share the pain and frustration of our citizens,” the statement read. “The government is working tirelessly with security agencies to ensure the safe return of all abducted persons and to prevent future occurrences.”

    However, critics argue that the government’s response has been reactive rather than proactive. Security analysts point to chronic underfunding of the Nigeria Police Force, inadequate community policing structures, and weak intelligence-gathering capabilities as underlying factors.

    “Nigeria’s security architecture is fundamentally broken,” said Mr. Kabiru Adamu, a security analyst based in Abuja. “State governments have limited constitutional authority over policing, but they can do more to support local security initiatives, invest in technology, and collaborate with neighbouring states.”

    Pan-African Angle: A Continental Crisis

    The kidnapping crisis in Oyo State is not an isolated phenomenon. Across Africa, communities are grappling with similar security challenges, from the Sahel to the Lake Chad Basin, from the Horn of Africa to southern Africa.

    In Nigeria alone, at least 10,000 people have been kidnapped since 2020, according to data from the Nigeria Security Tracker. The phenomenon has spread from the northeast, where Boko Haram and Islamic State West Africa Province (ISWAP) operate, to the northwest, where armed bandits have turned kidnapping into a lucrative industry, and now to southwestern states like Oyo.

    This trend reflects broader continental patterns of insecurity driven by weak governance, porous borders, climate change, and economic inequality. The African Union has identified kidnapping and ransom payments as a growing threat to peace and security, calling for coordinated regional responses.

    “Kidnapping is a transnational crime that requires transnational solutions,” said Dr. Aisha Bello, a security researcher at the Institute for Security Studies in Pretoria. “No African country can solve this problem alone. We need stronger regional intelligence sharing, harmonised legal frameworks, and joint border security operations.”

    The crisis also highlights the vulnerability of African educational institutions. In Nigeria, at least 1,500 students have been kidnapped from schools since 2020, according to UNICEF. The phenomenon has spread to other African countries, including Cameroon, Burkina Faso, and Somalia, where armed groups have targeted schools for abduction and recruitment.

    What Happens Next

    The protesters in Ibadan have vowed to continue their demonstrations until concrete action is taken. A coalition of civil society organisations has announced plans for a larger rally in two weeks if the government fails to secure the release of the abducted pupils and teachers.

    Meanwhile, security operations continue in the Oke Ogun area, with the Nigerian Army and Air Force reportedly deploying additional personnel and surveillance aircraft. The state government has also announced the establishment of a dedicated hotline for reporting security incidents and a new community security fund.

    For the residents of Oyo State, the question remains whether these measures will be sufficient to restore a sense of safety and normalcy. As one protester, Mr. Tunde Akinlade, put it: “We are not asking for miracles. We are asking for the government to do its job. Protect us. That is all we want.”

    SOURCES:

    • Channels Television
    • The Punch
    • Vanguard
    • Premium Times
    • Nigeria Security and Civil Defence Corps (NSCDC)
    • Nigeria Security Tracker
    • UNICEF
    • Institute for Security Studies, Pretoria
    • University of Ibadan

  • Tinubu Mourns Beheaded Teacher, Orders Rescue of Abducted Students as Insecurity Deepens!

    Tinubu Mourns Beheaded Teacher, Orders Rescue of Abducted Students as Insecurity Deepens!

    Reported by Fasesan Marian opeyemi | Editor-in-Chief | Journalist at Sele Media Africa.

    IBADAN, Nigeria — President Bola Tinubu has condemned the killing of a teacher and the abduction of several students in Oyo State, directing security forces to secure the immediate release of the captives and bring those responsible to justice. The incident, which occurred on Monday, May 25, 2026, has reignited national outrage over the escalating violence targeting schools and educators across Nigeria.

    The attack, carried out by armed assailants in the Oke-Ogun area of Oyo State, resulted in the brutal beheading of a teacher, identified as Mr. Tunde Adebayo, a 42-year-old father of three. The gunmen also abducted an undetermined number of students from a secondary school in the region, hours after the teacher was killed during a raid on the community.

    A Teacher’s Sacrifice, A Nation’s Grief

    The killing of Mr. Adebayo has sent shockwaves through the local community and beyond. Colleagues described him as a dedicated educator who had spent 15 years teaching mathematics and had recently been awarded “Best Teacher” by the Oyo State Ministry of Education. His wife, Mrs. Funmilayo Adebayo, told reporters through tears that her husband had repeatedly expressed fear about the deteriorating security situation in the area.

    “He said he was afraid to go to school some days, but he loved his students more than his own life,” she said. “Now he is gone, and our children are left without a father.”

    The human toll of this tragedy extends beyond the Adebayo family. Parents of the abducted students have gathered at the school premises, many refusing to leave despite heavy security presence. One mother, Mrs. Bose Ogunleye, whose 14-year-old daughter is among the missing, collapsed upon hearing the news. “They took my only child,” she whispered. “What is left for me?”

    Political Reckoning: A Presidency Under Pressure

    President Tinubu’s swift response, issued through a statement by his Special Adviser on Media and Publicity, Mr. Dele Alake, sought to project executive resolve. The President described the attack as “tragic and unacceptable” and ordered security agencies to “leave no stone unturned” in rescuing the students and apprehending the perpetrators.

    However, political analysts argue that the incident exposes the deepening crisis of insecurity that has plagued the Tinubu administration since it took office in May 2023. Despite repeated promises to overhaul the security architecture, attacks on schools, farms, and communities have continued with alarming frequency.

    “This is not an isolated incident,” said Dr. Chidi Okonkwo, a political scientist at the University of Lagos. “It is a symptom of a broader failure of the state to protect its most vulnerable citizens. The President’s words are important, but they are not enough. Nigerians need to see tangible results.”

    The attack also carries significant political implications for the 2027 general elections. The ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) has already faced criticism over its handling of security, and the Oyo incident could further erode public confidence. Opposition parties, including the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) and the Labour Party, have called for the immediate resignation of the National Security Adviser, Mallam Nuhu Ribadu, accusing him of incompetence.

    Pan-African Perspective: A Continental Crisis

    The Oyo attack is not an isolated Nigerian tragedy; it is part of a disturbing pattern across Africa. From the Sahel to the Lake Chad Basin, armed groups have increasingly targeted schools and educators as part of a broader strategy to destabilize communities and undermine state authority.

    In Nigeria alone, over 1,000 students have been abducted from schools since the Chibok girls’ kidnapping in 2014, according to data from the United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF). Across West Africa, the number of school attacks has risen by 60 percent since 2020, with groups linked to Boko Haram, Islamic State West Africa Province (ISWAP), and bandit networks responsible for the majority of incidents.

    “The attack on a teacher and students in Oyo is a stark reminder that no country in Africa is immune to this scourge,” said Dr. Aisha Diallo, a security analyst at the Institute for Security Studies in Dakar, Senegal. “It requires a coordinated continental response. No single country can solve this alone.”

    The African Union (AU) has condemned the attack, with the Chairperson of the AU Commission, Moussa Faki Mahamat, calling for “urgent collective action” to protect schools and learners across the continent. The incident has also drawn attention to the Safe Schools Declaration, an international commitment to protect education during armed conflict, which Nigeria signed in 2019 but has struggled to implement fully.

    Institutional Response: What Happens Next?

    The Nigerian military has deployed additional troops to the Oke-Ogun area, and a search-and-rescue operation is underway. Security sources, speaking on condition of anonymity, said the abductors are believed to be members of a bandit network operating across the Oyo-Kwara border.

    The Oyo State Government has closed all schools in the affected local government area indefinitely and announced a N10 million reward for information leading to the rescue of the students. Governor Seyi Makinde, who visited the scene, described the attack as “a direct assault on the future of our state.”

    “We will not rest until every single student is returned safely and the murderers of Mr. Adebayo are brought to justice,” Makinde said.

    Legal experts, however, warn that the government’s response must go beyond rescue operations. “There needs to be a comprehensive review of security protocols in schools, including the deployment of dedicated security personnel, the installation of surveillance systems, and the establishment of early warning mechanisms,” said Barrister Fatima Bello, a human rights lawyer based in Abuja.

    A Nation’s Test

    The Oyo attack has once again laid bare the fragility of security in Nigeria’s heartland. For the family of Mr. Adebayo, for the parents of the abducted students, and for a nation that has grown weary of grief, the question remains: Will this tragedy finally spur the decisive action that has so far been elusive?

    As the search for the missing students continues, the words of the slain teacher’s wife echo in the minds of many: “He loved his students more than his own life.” It is a love that Nigeria must now honour—not with words alone, but with action.

    SOURCES

    • The Punch
    • Channels Television
    • Vanguard
    • Premium Times
    • UNICEF Nigeria
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  • Boko Haram Allegedly Plans ‘Qur’anic Graduation’ for Abducted Kwara Women and Children!

    Boko Haram Allegedly Plans ‘Qur’anic Graduation’ for Abducted Kwara Women and Children!

    Reported by Fasesan Marian opeyemi | Journalist at Sele Media Africa.

    ILORIN, Nigeria— Families of more than 100 women and children abducted from a Kwara State community have raised urgent alarm over reports that Boko Haram militants are planning a forced “Qur’anic graduation” ceremonBoko Haram Allegedly Plans ‘Qur’anic Graduation’ for Abducted Kwara Women and Children! y for the captives, deepening fears for their safety and well-being. Relatives, speaking through local community leaders, are demanding immediate intervention from the Federal Government and security agencies to intensify rescue operations before the alleged ceremony takes place.

    The abductions occurred in late May 2026 when armed men believed to be Boko Haram insurgents raided several villages in the remote Edu Local Government Area of Kwara State. The victims, predominantly women and children from farming communities, were taken to an undisclosed location believed to be in the vast forests straddling the border between Kwara and Niger states. Family members say they received word through intermediaries that the militants intend to compel the captives to undergo a religious indoctrination process culminating in a staged graduation event.

    “We are terrified. They are saying the women and children will be forced to recite verses and then ‘graduate’ as if this is a normal school ceremony,” said Alhaji Musa Abdullahi, a community elder whose daughter and three grandchildren are among the missing. “This is not education. This is brainwashing and a mockery of our faith. We want the government to act now before it is too late.”

    Community Impact: A Rural Region in Crisis

    The abductions have plunged the affected communities into a state of profound grief and fear. Edu Local Government Area, a predominantly agrarian region with limited security presence, has become a flashpoint for insecurity as banditry and insurgency spill over from neighbouring states. The loss of more than 100 women and children has crippled daily life, with many families unable to tend their farms or send remaining children to school for fear of further attacks.

    Local markets have seen reduced activity, and many households have relocated to temporary camps in Ilorin, the state capital, seeking safety. The psychological toll is immense. “These women are the backbone of our community. They manage the homes, the farms, and the children. Without them, we are lost,” said Hajiya Aisha Bello, a local teacher and community organiser. “The children are especially vulnerable. They are being stripped of their childhood and forced into a radical ideology they do not understand.”

    The alleged plan to stage a “Qur’anic graduation” adds a cruel twist to the trauma. Families fear that the ceremony is designed to legitimise the captivity and indoctrination process, making it harder for victims to reintegrate into society if they are eventually rescued. Community leaders have called for psychosocial support for families and for the government to treat the abductions as a humanitarian emergency, not merely a security incident.

    Background: Boko Haram’s Evolving Tactics

    Boko Haram, whose name roughly translates to “Western education is forbidden,” has a long history of abducting women and children for forced conversion, indoctrination, and use as combatants or domestic labour. The group’s most infamous abduction remains the 2014 kidnapping of 276 schoolgirls from Chibok, Borno State, which sparked global outrage. Since then, the group has continued to target schools, villages, and IDP camps, particularly in northeastern Nigeria.

    However, the alleged “Qur’anic graduation” represents a relatively new tactic. Analysts suggest the ceremony serves multiple purposes: it provides a veneer of religious legitimacy to the group’s actions, it psychologically breaks captives into accepting their new reality, and it serves as propaganda to recruit new members and intimidate communities. The term “graduation” is believed to be a deliberate distortion of Islamic education, where genuine Qur’anic schooling is a respected tradition across West Africa.

    “Boko Haram is trying to rebrand its atrocities as religious instruction,” said Dr. Fatima Sani, a security analyst at the Centre for Democracy and Development in Abuja. “This is not about faith. It is about control, terror, and the systematic destruction of community bonds. The government must recognise this as a war crime and respond with the full force of the law.”

    Pan-African Angle: A Shared Threat Across Borders

    The Kwara abductions are not an isolated incident but part of a broader pattern of terrorism and kidnapping affecting multiple African nations. Boko Haram operates across Nigeria’s borders, with documented activity in Chad, Niger, and Cameroon. The Lake Chad Basin region has become a epicentre of extremist violence, displacing millions and creating one of the world’s most severe humanitarian crises.

    The alleged “Qur’anic graduation” plan echoes similar tactics used by other extremist groups across the continent. In Mozambique, the Islamic State-linked Ahlu Sunnah Wa-Jama (ASWJ) has forcibly converted captives and staged religious ceremonies to consolidate control over territory. In the Sahel, groups affiliated with Al-Qaeda and the Islamic State have used forced religious education as a tool of indoctrination and social engineering.

    “What is happening in Kwara is a Pan-African problem,” said Ambassador Bankole Adeoye, the African Union’s Commissioner for Political Affairs, Peace, and Security. “Terrorism does not respect borders. The AU has called for a coordinated regional response, including intelligence sharing, joint military operations, and support for community resilience programmes. We cannot allow these groups to operate with impunity.”

    The African Union’s Peace and Security Council has condemned the abductions and called for urgent action. However, critics say the response has been too slow, with member states often prioritising national sovereignty over collective security. The Kwara case highlights the need for a stronger African-led mechanism to combat terrorism, including a dedicated fund for victim support and rehabilitation.

    Government Response and Calls for Action

    The Nigerian government has yet to issue a formal statement on the alleged “Qur’anic graduation” plan. Security forces, including the Nigerian Army and the Department of State Services (DSS), have confirmed they are aware of the abductions and are conducting search operations. However, families say the response has been inadequate, with no visible progress in locating the victims.

    “We have been waiting for over a week. The security agencies tell us they are working, but we see no results,” said Alhaji Abdullahi. “We appeal to President Bola Tinubu to personally intervene. These are our mothers, our wives, our children. They are not statistics. They are human beings.”

    Civil society organisations have also weighed in. The Nigerian Bar Association (NBA) has called for the government to declare a state of emergency in Edu Local Government Area and to deploy additional security resources. Amnesty International Nigeria has urged the government to ensure that rescue operations prioritise the safety of the captives and to hold perpetrators accountable under international law.

    “The government must act decisively,” said Osai Ojigho, Director of Amnesty International Nigeria. “Delays in rescue operations can have fatal consequences. We also call on the international community to support Nigeria in this fight, including through intelligence sharing and technical assistance.”

    What Happens Next

    As the alleged date of the “Qur’anic graduation” approaches, families are bracing for the worst. Community leaders have organised prayer vigils and are liaising with local authorities to pressure the government into action. Some families have reportedly attempted to negotiate with the abductors through intermediaries, but these efforts have been unsuccessful.

    The Nigerian military has not confirmed any timeline for rescue operations, citing operational security. However, sources within the security establishment say a coordinated effort involving air surveillance and ground troops is underway. The government is also exploring diplomatic channels, given the possibility that the victims may have been moved across the border into Niger Republic.

    For the families of Kwara, the wait is agonising. “Every day that passes, we lose hope,” said Hajiya Bello. “But we will not give up. We will keep fighting for our loved ones until they are brought home safely.”

    SOURCES

    • Alhaji Musa Abdullahi, community elder, Edu Local Government Area, Kwara State
    • Hajiya Aisha Bello, teacher and community organiser, Ilorin
    • Dr. Fatima Sani, security analyst, Centre for Democracy and Development, Abuja
    • Ambassador Bankole Adeoye, African Union Commissioner for Political Affairs, Peace, and Security
    • Osai Ojigho, Director, Amnesty International Nigeria
    • Verified Nigerian media reports (Premium Times, The Cable, Channels TV)
    • Nigerian Army and Department of State Services (DSS) official statements